LANGUAGE VARIETIES

1. Introduction
Communication will be running well if we use a medium. The medium that we use in communication is always the language. Language is many things; it can be a system of communication, a medium for thought, vehicle for literary expression, a matter for political controversy, a catalyst for nation building (O’Grady & Dobrovolsky, 1989: 1 in Imansyah, 2008: 1).
The existence of language can’t be separated from human life. It can be seen from the fact that all activities related to interaction among people necessitate a language. Language is an important means of communication. Language reflects thinking; obviously we can’t say a sentence until we have first thought of it. Often our thinking gets mixed with emotions and our reasons become loaded with desires, wishes, prejudices, and opinions. The kind of thinking we do is our business until we try to persuade someone else to agree to our point of view; then that thinking becomes another’s business (Meade, et.al, 1961: 94).
Brown (1980) states that language is central to all communities of human beings. Holmes (1992) states that every language represents the temple in which the speaker soul’s is his/her devote. It seems that everything related to human life in society it involves language because it is through the language that interaction among tribes, ethnics groups, and religions can happen. An affirmation on the theory of language relativity which was postulated by Sapir and Whorf maintained in that language is the national identity (Rampung, 2005). The forms and styles of language that people speak are signified by individual identity. Burn, et. al. (1984) view language as a cement of society, allowing people to live, work and play together, to tell truth or lies, and to have knowledge and science.
The scope and diversity of human thought and experience place great demands on language. Because communication is not restricted to a fixed set of topics, language must o something more than provide a package of a ready-made message. It must enable us to produce and understand new words, phrases, and sentences as the need arises. In short, human language must be creative-allowing novelty and innovation in response to new thoughts, experiences, and situation (O’Grady & Dobrovolsky, 1989: 1).
Language frees humans from the limits of time and place. It allows us to create culture. The Wright brothers' successful flight did not come just from their own personal efforts. They built their airplane according to principles of flight already existing in American culture. Through language they could read, discuss, and recombine existing ideas and technology. Equipped with language, humans can pass their experiences, ideas, and knowledge to others. Although it may take time and repetition, children can be taught the dangers of fire and heights without being burned or toppling down stairs. This process of social learning, of course, applies to other cultural patterns as well, such as eating, showing patriotism, or staying awake in class.
According to Edward Sapir (1929) and Benjamin Whorf (1956), language is our guide to reality. How we think about a thing relates to the number and complexity of words available to describe that thing. In effect, our perceptions of the world depend in part on the particular language we have learned. Since languages differ, perceptions differ as well. This theory is known as the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis, or the hypothesis of linguistic relativity. What can vocabulary tell you about a culture? When something is important to a society, its language will have many words to describe it. The importance of time in American culture is reflected in the many words that describe time intervals such as nanosecond, millisecond, moment, minute, hour, era, interim, recurrent, century, light-year, afternoon, eternal, annual, meanwhile, and regularly, just to name a few. When something is unimportant to people, they may not have even one word for it. When Christian missionaries first went to Asia, they were dismayed because the Chinese language contained no word for sin. Other missionaries were no less distressed to learn that Africans and Polynesians had no word to express the idea of a single, all-powerful God. While English has only a few words that describe snow, the Inuit (Eskimo) language has over twenty. Does the hypothesis of linguistic relativity mean we are prisoners of our language?
Even if our view of the world is shaped largely by language, we are not forever trapped by our own language. Exposure to another language or to new words can alter a person's perception of the world. (This is one reason why it is important to avoid using racist slurs and stereotypical labels.) People can begin to view the world differently as they learn a new language or vocabulary. However, most people do confine themselves to the language and vocabulary they learned from birth. They tend not to change their views of the world. You can either expand or limit your outlook, depending upon how you use language.
Language, like other forms, has to be appropriate to the speaker using it. That is why, in many communities, men and women’s speech is different. In other words, language varies not only according to the social characteristics of the speaker, such as social class, age, sex, and ethnic group, but also according to the social context in which he finds himself. The same speaker uses different linguistic varieties in different situation, and for different purposes. 
From the above elaboration, we can say that the context in communication is divided into two categories. The first, context based on the social characteristics of the speaker. They can be social class, age, sex, and ethnic group. The second, context based on the social context of the speaker. They can be relationship/relative statues such as kinship relationship, intimacy, and familiarity.
These two contexts play an important role in deciding the verbal repertoire (the totally linguistic varieties used in different situation and for different purposes) in communication. According to Hudson and Ferguson (Wardhaugh, 2002: 25), language variety is a specific set of linguistic items or human speech patterns (sounds, words, grammatical features) which can uniquely associate with some external factors (a geographical area or a social group). There are six types of linguistic varieties in communication. They are dialect, accent, register, style, code-switching, and diglossia (Trudgil, ). 
Related to elaboration above, the writer will try to figure out and exemplify dialect, accent, and code switching as language varieties. 
2. Discussion
a. Dialect
Dialect is language varieties that are linguistically and generally and also politically linked to a standardized language variety (Akmajian et. al, 1986; Luhman, 1990). Term dialect has generally been used to refer to a subordinate variety of language. For example, we are accustomed to saying the English language has many dialects. These dialects may be of different kind. A regional dialect is a variety associated with a place. Dialects of a language tend to differ from more from one another the more remote they are from one another geographically. In this respect, the study of dialects or dialectology has to do with boundaries, which often coincide with geographical features such as rivers and mountains (Romaine, 1994: 2). Boundaries are, however, often of a social nature, for example, between different social class groups. In this case, we may speak of social dialects. Social dialects say who we are and regional dialects where we come from.
All people in the same place can talk to each other and for the most part understand each other. Yet not two speak exactly alike. Some differences are due to the age, sex, state of health, size, personality, emotional state, and personal idiosyncrasies (Fromkin, Rodman, Collins, and Blair; 1990: 245). That each person speaks somewhat differently form all others is shown by our ability to recognize acquaintances by hearing them talk. The unique characteristic of the language of an individual speaker are referred to as the speaker’s idiolect. 
It is not always easy to decide whether the systemic differences between two speech communities reflect two dialects or two languages. A rule of thumb definition can be used: when dialects become mutually unintelligible-when the speakers of one dialect group can no longer understand the speakers of another dialect groups-those dialect become different languages. However, to define mutual intelligible is itself a difficult task.
Beyond these individual differences, the language of a group of people may show regular variations from that used by other groups of speaker of that language. When the English of speaker in different geographical regions and from different social groups shows systemic differences, the groups are said to speak different dialects of the same language. The dialect of a single language may thus be defined as mutually intelligible forms of a language that differ in systemic ways from each other.
There are two kinds of dialect; they can be regional dialect and social dialect. Regional dialect is geographically based. It means that a dialect that differs because of geographical area. The differences can be in terms of pronunciation, choice of words, and syntax. Sasaknese, Lombok, for instance, there exist five different regional dialects (Toir, 1993).. They are:
1. Ngeno-Ngene “that-this” dialect which is used by people around Aikmel, Pringgabaya, Sembalun, Rempung, and Selong, located in East Lombok.
2. Nggeto-Nggete “that-this” dialect which is used by people around Suralaga, Wanasaba, Sembalun Lawang, Sembalun Bumbung, and Ds. Lekong, located in East Lombok.
3. Meriaq-Meriqu “that-this” dialect which is used by people around Pujut, Bonkerok, and Batujai, located in central and southern part Lombok.
4. Kuto-Kute “that-this” dialect which is used by people around Aikmel, Pringgabaya, Sembalun, Rempung, and Selong, located in East Lombok.
5. Meno-Mene “that-this” dialect which is used by people around Pejanggik area and the surrounding areas, located in West Lombok.
These five dialects lead to some variation of lexical item is Sasak community. These can be seen in table bellow:
Dialect Kemarin Saya datang bicara rumah kamu sudah pergi
Meriak-Meriku uiq Aku leto baraqke balen side uah Lalo
Ngeno-Ngene Rubin Kami Dateng Bebadaq Balen Epe Wah Lalo
Kuto-Kute Tebin Kung Ketoq Ongkat Balen Diq Uah Injah
Meno-Mene Uiq Aku Leto Baraqke Bale Side Uah Lalo
Nggeto-Nggete Terbin Ku Dateng Rukat balem Epe Saweq Lalo

The table indicates that variants of lexical items emerge in several varieties. The adverb of time ‘kemarin’ for instance, is rubin in Ngeno-Ngene dialect, and terbin in Nggeto-Nggete, as well as Kuto-Kete and uiq in remaining varieties. The same applies to 1st person pronoun which varies between kami in Ngeno-Ngene and kung in Kuto-Kete, or ku in some others.a significant variation also occurs in the verb leto ‘come’ for both Meriaq-Meriqu and Meno-Mene, ketoq in Kuto-Kete, and dateng in Ngeno-Ngene.
While in Bima, there also exists regional dialect. They can be dialect of sila, dialect of madapangga, dialect of rasa na’e, dialect of dompu, dialect of wera, and so on. In Sila dialect, we can say long bean as bue, but in dialect Dompu, the term long bean is known as kalanggo. In Wera dialect, word mbonga means lie, then in dialect Sila and others, mbonga means raba (dam). In Madapangga dialect, they avoid to say nadu as spinach, as other dialects do because nadu in Madapengga dialect means women’s genital.
The other type of dialect is social dialect. If regional dialect is geographically based, social dialect originates among dialect social groups and are related to a variety of factors, the principal ones apparently being social class, religion, and ethnicity. In Bali, for instance, caste, one of the clearest of all social differentiators, quite often determine which variety of a language a speaker uses. Take a look at the examples bellow:
   
Brahmana Ksatria Weisya Sudra Meaning
Ngrayunang Ngajeng Nunas Megaar Eat 
Mijil Metu Embas Lekad Born
Ledang Arsa Ila Liang Gembira 
Lubda Libya Lali Engsap Forget 
Sregek Gelis Gangsar Enggal Hurry 
Surup Wengi Peteng Sanja Afternoon 
Weruh Pascad Wikan Dueg Smart 
Menggah Bendu Berangti Gedeg Angry 
Avis Makolem Sirep Pules Sleep 
Taken from a teacher of Bali language

As well as in Bali, Bimanese also have their own social dialect besides regional dialect. The social dialect of Bimanese reflected in the usage of bahasa kerajaan which is inherited by Sambori people, in district of Lambitu. Sambori people tend to use some vocabularies/words that are uncommon for common people. These words are used to use by people in Bima kingdom. Those words can be:
Sambori Bimanese in general Meaning
Lima Rima Hand
Po’o Tuta Head
Out Maru Sleep
Langge Edi Foot
M’nga ngaha Eat
Ďangga lampa Walk
To’o Doho Sit
Wiro Viko Ear
Palai Rai Run
Paka Wangga Tight
Le’a Paki Throw
Mate Made Die
Ďiu Ndeu Bathing
   
b. Accent
Regional phonological or phonetic distinctions are often referred to as different accents. A person in Indonesia is said to have a Javanese accent, a Betawi accent, a Balinese accent, a Sasaknese accent, a Bimanese accent, a Batak accent, and so on. Thus, accent refers to the characteristics of speech that convey the information about the speaker’s dialect, which may reveal in what country or what par t of the country the speaker grew up or to which sociolinguistic group the speaker belongs. People in Mataram, NTB, often refer to someone as having a bimanese accent and Sasaknese accent.
The term accent is also used to refer to the speech of someone who speaks a language non-natively. For example, a Bimanese speaking Indonesian is described as having a Bimanese accent. In this sense, accent refers to phonological differences or interference from different language spoken elsewhere.
Example:
a. Accent of Bimanese
Mau ke mana?
When Bimanese pronounce phoneme /ε/, they tend to pronounce it as /ē/. Just like when they pronounce words such mengapa, menangis, and so on, they will not pronounce them as / mεŋaрa/, and /mεnaŋis/, but as / mēŋaрa/ and /mēnaŋis/. They tend to change the mid front short phoneme /ε/ as mid front long phoneme /ē/. Besides, Bimanese also tend to change the voiced velar nasal /ŋ/ as voiced alveolar nasal /n/, and vice versa. For example, Bimanese will pronounce word yang as /j٨n/, not as /j٨ŋ/. Another phenomena related to Bimanese accent is that they sometimes do not produce the last sounds of consonant. Just take a look at the examples below:
Melati becomes /mēlati/
Menari becomes /mēnari/
Belajar becomes /bēlajar/
Makan becomes /makaŋ/
Pemukiman becomes /pēmukima/
Barang becomes /baran/
Enak becomes /ena/
Ngantuk becomes /ŋantu/
b. Accent of Sasaknese
Different from Bimanese, Sasaknese tend to pronounce phoneme voiceless bilabial stop /p/ as voiceless labiodentals fricative /f/, and vice versa. For example, word pilek will be pronounced as /filεk/, not as /pilεk/, and word flu will be pronounced as /plu/. Other examples are:
Pusing is pronounced as /fusing/ not as /pusing/
Pening is pronounced as /fening/ not as /pening/
Pikir is pronounced as /fikir/ not as /pikir/
Paksa is pronounced as /faksa/ not as /paksa/
Fulus is pronounced as /pulus/ not as /fulus/
Feeling is pronounced as /piling/ not as /filing/
Perfect is pronounced as /perpek/ not as /perfek/
c. Accent of Balinese
In Balinese accent, they tend to pronounce the voiceless alveolar stop /t/ and voiced alveolar stop /d/ as palatal sound, not as alveolar. They make their tongue tip touch the hard palate when they pronounce these sounds. Words toko, sepatu, bata, daun, dalang, and so on can exemplify this phenomenon in Balinese accent.
d. Accent of Javanese
If in Balinese accent, they change alveolar sounds (/t/ and /d/) with palatal sounds, in Javanese, they produce all stop sounds as fricative sounds. Fricative sounds such as /p/ and /d/ can exemplify this phenomenon. They will pronounce panco and dalam as /phanco/ as in /phil/, not as /panco/ as in /pil/, and /dhalam/, not as /dalam/.
c. Code-Switching
Code-switching is a linguistics term denoting the concurrent use of more than one language, or language variety, in conversation. Multilinguals, people who speak more than one language, sometimes use elements of multiple languages in conversing with each other. Thus, code-switching is the syntactically and phonologically appropriate use of more than one linguistic variety.
Code-switching is distinct from other language contact phenomena, such as borrowing, pidgins and creoles, loan translation (calques), and language transfer (language interference). Speakers form and establish a pidgin language when two or more speakers who do not speak a common language form an intermediate, third language. On the other hand, speakers practice code-switching when they are each fluent in both languages. Code mixing is a thematically related term, but the usage of the terms code-switching and code-mixing varies. Some scholars use either term to denote the same practice, while others apply code-mixing to denote the formal linguistic properties of said language-contact phenomena, and code-switching to denote the actual, spoken usages by multilingual persons.
In the 1940s and the 1950s many scholars called code-switching a sub-standard language usage. Since the 1980s, however, most scholars have recognized it is a normal, natural product of bilingual and multilingual language use.
Code-switching relates to, and sometimes indexes social-group membership in bilingual and multilingual communities. Some sociolinguists describe the relationships between code-switching behaviours and class, ethnicity, and other social positions. In addition, scholars in interactional linguistics and conversation analysis have studied code-switching as a means of structuring talk in interaction. Analyst Peter Auer suggests that code-switching does not simply reflect social situations, but that it is a means to create social situations.
Code-switching mostly occurs where the syntaxes of the languages align in a sentence; thus, it is uncommon to switch from English to French after an adjective and before a noun, because, in French, adjectives usually follow nouns. Even unrelated languages often align syntactically at a relative clause boundary or at the boundary of other sentence sub-structures.
Linguists have made significant effort toward defining the difference between borrowing (loanword usage) and code-switching; generally, borrowing occurs in the lexicon, while code-switching occurs at either the syntax level or the utterance-construction level.
Apple (in Chaer and Agustina, 2004: 107) defines code-switching as a symptom of linguistics usage that switches over because of the situation change. This concept emphasizes that situation can be an influential factor that leads a speaker or a speech community to switch to another code in daily interaction. 
Hymes gives a scope about code switching, that is, code-switching has become a common term for alternate use of two or more languages. Code-switching is also seen as a bilingual replacement or switchover of two languages or more, from various languages, or even a manner from some styles. Similarly, Kridalaksana (1993: 9) state that code-switching is the use of other language variety or other language to adapt with role or other situation, or caused by other participants. Grosjean (1982: 145) limits the concept of code switching as the alternate use two or more in the same utterance or conversation. This opinion seems so general that there is not any clear distinction between the concept of code-switching and that of code-mixing in relation to linguistics forms. This is caused by the difference language grammatical system. The language grammatical system between one language and each other is different. For instance, the phrase of grammatical system in Indonesian is different from phrase of grammatical system in English.
In general, the concept of code-switching that have been advocated by the linguists, basically emphasize the same underlying point. Both Hymes (1979: 103) and Kridalaksana (1993: 9) point out that code-switching is related to the use of two or more languages in communication. 
There are many types of code-switching committed by the speakers in a communication. Grosjean (1982; 145) classifies code-switching into three types. They are intra-sentential code-switching, inter-sentential code-switching, and inter-personal code-switching. Intra-sentential code-witching is switchover from one code to others that happens in one sentence. It occurs within a sentence or a clause. It means that the switchover of code happens at the level of clause. Take a look at the examples in Bimanese and Sasaknese switch in Indonesia below: 
Mada kan wati mungkin weha ntau dou tanpa seijin dou mantau.
It’s impossible for me to take yours without asking any permission. 
Mada kan dou taho, jadi pasti rajin solat
I am a good boy, so I do prayer everytime
Aro kembe ja tie, anda ini gimana sih?
Inter-sentential code-switching is switchover from one code to another that happens in more than one sentence. It occurs outside the sentence or the clause level (i.e. at sentence or clause boundaries). It means that switchover happens at the sentence level. Take a look at the examples bellow:
Mada kan laina dou mpanga. Ngapain juga saya ambil
Di au kaija ku weha ntau nggomi. Toh nggak penting itu juga.
Sudah lama nggak ketemu sama si Amir. Brembe kabarne?
The first and second examples above are Bimanese that switch in Indonesia. Then, in the last example, Indonesia switches into Sasaknese
Inter-personal code-switching is switchover that happens at speaker’s utterance because it comes from the other participants. It means that switchover happens at situation context. Take a look at the examples bellow:
Bimanese A: Au kamanae di mpa’a ngaha ndaike?
 A: Au si ne’emu nggomi?
 A: Gimana kalau kita makan bakso saja?
 B: Boleh juga tu bang.
Sasaknese A: Ape tegawek nani?
 A: Ape melekm side?
 A: Cari makan yuk?
 B: Asik tuh
Thus, according to Grosjean (1982), inter-personal code-switching is code-switching that happens at two interlocutor utterances. It means that code-switching can also happen at interlocutor utterance when making communication with other people. Code-switching that happens at interlocutor utterance is called as intra-personal code-switching. Take a look at the examples bellow:
Bimanese A: Au kamanae di mpa’a ngaha ndaike?
 A: enaknya kita makan apa’an nih?
Sasaknese A: Ape tegawek nani?
 A: apa nih yang harus kita kerjakan sekarang?
Transfer of code-switching from the first utterance in Bimanese and Sasaknese to the second utterance in Indonesian includes intra-personal code-switching. Code-switching above is committed by the first speaker by repeating the statement in the first utterance to the second utterance.
Similarly, in line with Grosjean above, Poplack (in Romaine: 122) divides code-switching from the aspect of textual and its distribution in sentence into three types. They are tag code-switching, inter-sentential ode-switching, and intra-sentential code-switching. Tag code-switching is code-switching which is happening at the end of a sentence. It is the switching of either a tag phrase or a word, or both, from language-B to language-A, (common intra-sentential switches). This code intrinsically functions to give emphasis or affirmative at one particular utterance, either at the same language or at different language. Take a look at the examples bellow:
Ayo kita come on (let’s go)
Maira ta cabut (let’s go)
Apa kabar, batur? (What’s up, bro?)
The first example above is an Indonesian language that is switched in English at the end. This always happens in informal situation, which always done by teenagers and register of anak gaul. As well as the first example, the second example also happens in an informal situation in Bimanese, in which register anak gaul are common with this switch. At the last examples, in Sasaknese, the switch occurs in an informal situation, too. 
3. Conclusion
Every person has an individual way of speaking. The language used by a group of speakers may also show systemic differences called dialect. The dialects of a language are the mutually intelligible forms of the language that differ in systemic ways from each other. Dialects develop and are reinforced because languages change, and the changes that occur in one group or area may differ from those that occur in another. Regional dialects and social dialects develop for this reason. Regional dialect is a variety of language in one part of the country, while social dialect is variety of language spoken by people belonging to a particular social class.
There are five regional dialects in Sasaknese, such as Ngeno-Ngene dialect, Nggeto-Nggete dialect, Meriaq-Meriqu dialect, Kuto-Kute dialect, and Meno-Mene dialect. While in Bimanese, there are dialect of sila, dialect of madapangga, dialect of rasa na’e, dialect of dompu, and dialect of wera as its regional dialects. Beside regional dialects, Bimanese also has social dialect. It is reflected by Sambori people which inherit the language that used to be used by people in Bima kingdom.
Dialects differences include phonological or pronunciation differences, vocabulary distinction, and syntactic rule differences. The differences between dialects are not as great as the similarities, permitting speakers of different dialects to communicate with each other. In Indonesia, 
The differences in phonology and pronunciation are called accent. Accent is the cumulative auditory effect of those features of pronunciation which identify where a person is from, regionally, or socially. It is a particular way which tells the listener something about the speaker background. A person’s pronunciation may show the region or country they come from. For instance, people in Mataram are said to have a Bimanese accent, a Sasaknese accent, a Balinese accent, or Sumbawanese accent.
Code-switching is the events of using of more than one language, or language variety, in conversation. According to Grosjean (1982: 145), there are three types of code-switching committed by the speakers in a communication. They are intra-sentential code-switching, inter-sentential code-switching, and inter-personal code-switching. Intra-sentential code-witching occurs within a sentence or a clause. Inter-sentential switching occurs outside the sentence or the clause level (i.e. at sentence or clause boundaries). Inter-personal code-switching is switchover that happens at speaker’s utterance because it comes from the other participants.

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